Health Promotion in the UK

Health Promotion in the UK Introduction Health promotion is a vast and complex subject, encompassing aspects of definitions of health, practical and political approaches to promoting health, education, social policy and particular notions related to preventative approaches to lifestyle management. As such, it requires careful examination and consideration in terms of the current UK socio-political culture and in terms of the evolution of health promotion into its current state (Scriven and Orme, 2001). Health promotion involves a great variety of people, professions and players, including politicians, doctors, nurses, social care professionals, teachers and educators, the legal profession, and of course, the general public. It touches everyone in our society in one form or another, from the advertising on cigarette packets to the nutritional information displayed on supermarket foods. Therefore, it is of concern to everyone in society, because it considers health, however it is defined, as being to a certain degree manageable, in that the manipulation of lifestyle and environmental factors can support people in achieving optimum health and wellbeing. However, its very complexity, partly due to its historical evolution, partly due to the complex social and political interactions which define the sphere of health in society, can mean that simplistic notions of health, health promotion and associated concepts are difficult to define and to achieve. This essay will address some of the complexities of the issues of health promotion. It will attempt to define what health promotion is, what ideas, ideals and concepts it includes, and how health promotion is realised in a practical sense. It will also address the need for exploration of the outcomes and interactions of health promotion activities, and their social and institutional context. It will, of necessity, discuss aspects of the healthcare systems within the United Kingdom which pertain to the subject, and of the socio-political systems and histories which underpin the current climate. It will then examine vital aspects of health promotion, such as health education and communication, participative approaches to health promotion, and evaluation of health promotion initiatives. The author will also attempt to debate ethical, political and professional dilemmas that arise in new practices and policies for promoting health and explore the development of ways of promoting health t hat tackle social and economic inequalities and that are holistic and culturally sensitive. What is Health Promotion? Tones (2001) describes health promotion as a contested concept, raising immediately the notion of differing definitions of health promotion, perhaps based on different conceptualisations of health or different social or political imperatives. Health promotion has often been viewed as synonymous with health education, while health education conversely is often believed to be a fundamental component of health promotion (Tones, 2001). It is also linked with and perhaps interchangeable with definitions of public health (Tones, 2001). This relationship with public health immediately takes the notion of health promotion away from the individual sphere and places it firmly in the public sphere, within the context of the social and political systems of the nation in question, or within a global perspective, both of which are applicable to this essay and discussion. Tones (2001) suggests a formula for health promotion where healthy public policy is multiplied with health education, establishi ng their relationship as the basis for our definitions of the concept. The World Health Organisation defines health promotion as the process of enabling people to increase control over, and to improve, their health. This generic definition suggests that health itself is an individual state over which individuals can have some measure of control. Jones et al (2002, p.xi) also suggest that for many people, health promotion means targeting behaviour, but view it as something imposed upon them which does not necessarily work for them. However, given that promoting heath is a diverse, complex and multi-faceted activity (Jones et al, 2002, p5), these definitions do not address the range of activities and ideologies associated with the process. Health promotion policy appears to combine diverse approaches which include legislation, financial measures, taxation and organizational change. Tones (2001) simplistic suggestion of a formula of the interdependence of health education and healthy public policy as a definition of health promotion does not focus on the role of the individual. Both are equally important in our understanding of this issue. Tones (2001 p4) however further goes on to discuss a model of health promotion which focuses on the purpose of healthy public policy and health education, which is argued to be the empowerment of individuals and communities to reduce or remove the various barrier spreventing the attainnment of health for all. This is a more useful definition, but rather idealistic, as it sugges ts that such a goal is achievable, and there may be vast differences in individuals’ notions of ‘health’ and their abilities to achieve this. Health promotion and health education are often also seen as synonymous. Health education can be as complex an issue as health promotion to define. Education implies somebody ‘teaching’ or educating, and somebody learning new information. Tones (2001) p 15) describes emancipatory education, a dialectical process which involves critical consciousness raising which leads to the translation of critical thinking about social issues into action. Health education involves communication and the transmission or sharing of information, but also implies that such information must be assimilated by the recipient and then utilised in order to bring about change in the self or in aspects of behaviour, lifestyle or environment. There are great benefits in adopting the curent collective approach to promoting health, which aims to involve people not only in their own health and well-being but in acting together upon theirf physical, social, political and economic environment for the sake of health (Sidell et al, 2002, p 1). Such approaches allow for the incorporation, validation and promotion of individual and group needs based on diversity in race, ethnic or religious identity, social or lifestyle identity, social status and social and geographical inequality. Historical Milestones in Health Promotion Webster and French (2003 p9) suggest that while the immediate sources of health promotion and current approaches to public health lie in the political history of the 1970s, there are roots which go much further back, arguing that all communities have had some interest in co-ordinated community action to ensure a better life. The historical link between health promotion and public health is well established, with one of the most significant milestones being the formation of the National Health Service in 1948, whose medicalised approach initially hindered public health and health promotion initiatives as we see them today in favour of a treatment-oriented approach to illness (Webster and French 2003 p 10). Webster and French (2003 p11) suggest that the three seminal documents which launched what we know perceive as the health promotion movement were: the Lalonde Report New Perspectives on the Health of Canadians (1974); the World Health Organisation’s Global Strategy for Health for All by the Year 2000 (1981) and the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion 1986). It was these documents which, collectively, set out a vision for health improvement which exceeded the traditional approaches of sanitation engineering, lifestyle health education and preventing and caring health services which characterised health promotion to that point. Instead, health promotion became concerned principally with empowering citizens that that they could take control of their health an in so doing attain the best possible chance of a full and enjoyable life (Webster and French, 2003, p 15). This notion of empowerment appears fundamental to current perspectives on health promotion and to its influences on the National Health Service, including on such concepts as patient participation and collaboration, service user involvement and patient rights. This heralds a move away from the medicalisation of health towards a more social definition of health where power is apparently distributed more equally among those who experience and those who purport to affect health, illness and wellness. This is something that the World Health Organisation appears to have consistently advocated, a positive and holistic view of health which comprises mental, physical and social elements (Tones, 2001 p6). The Ottawa treaty, which encompasses the key principles of equity, empowerment and the reorientation of the health services, reflects this notion of demedicalisation, where collaborative working by the many agencies concerned with health promotion is believed to maximise the potential of any strategy or policy in this arena (Tones, 2001, p7). Within the UK, policy drivers which have driven health promotion initiatives are too numerous and complex to fully explore within the context of this essay. However, governmental initiatives, changes in health and social services, changes in approaches to public health and changes in statutory control and responsibility for public services have all formed part of the UK health promotion focus (Jones et al, 2002 p 9-13). However, there appears to be a counter culture of bottom up drivers as well, with empowerment leading to the enabling of the activities of community and voluntary groups to bring about change at local and even national levels. This reflects the overall picture of holistic health promotion as a community development activity rather than a policy founded in political rhetoric. Contextual and Practical Issues in Health Promotion The setting of health promotion is also of some concern, with the role of the media, community development and critical consciousness raising (Tones, 2001, p14-15) still areas of some debate. This author would argue that the media may have some merit in health promotion, but that there are likely to be many who do not trust the ‘messages’ given out given that so much advertising is false, suggestive and manipulative, and based on the need to sell products rather than truly promote health. Health and community services appear to be the most impactful arenas for health promotion to take place within. The National Health Service has already established a policy context for the promotion of health within public services (Adams, 2001 p35). Therefore, a primary and important leader for health promotion is the health authority, with its twin roles of service improvement and strategic leadership for improving health and tackling health inequalities (Adams, 2001, p38). Activities such as health needs assessments and community planning can be carried out in a collaborative and participative way with local organisations and community groups in order to target and focus health promotion activities at a policy level (Adams, 2001, p 39). Primary healthcare services and Primary Care Groups can also be a vehicle for health promotion (Velleman and Williams, 2001, p43), and given their location within communities should be ideally suited to this role. Such groups can focus on practical initiatives to reduce inequalities in health and to target issues such as heart disease, cancer, teenage pregnancies and accidents, on the back of governmental initiatives, alongside emergent and self-defined local issues (Velleman and Williams, 2001, p43). An example of an activity by a primary care group is of a stop smoking initiative, whereby health professionals were trained and located in GP practices to provide one to one support to smokers who want to quit, and practices were supported in developing systems that deliver stop smoking interventions effectively (Velleman and Williams, 2001 p 44). Such practices can have multiple benefits, both to the individuals whose health is improved by the intervention, and to their communities. The wider impact is also that such practices can serve as examples and provide evidence for other groups wishing to develop similar interventions. So it would seem that local initiatives can be of much wider importance. GPs have, following changes in contracts, been charged with the responsibility of improving the public’s health (Jones et al, 2002). But the limitations of their services, their training and their scope are still apparent (Jones et al, 2002). The National Health Service also has an already established professional context which is ideally suited to taking forward notions of true, holistic health promotion whereby communities and individuals become empowered as agents of their own wellbeing. Community nursing services, again on the frontline of NHS care and which function fully within the communities they serve, can be a vehicle for such activities (Wright, 2001, p58). These work alongside specialist health promotion services who act as catalysts and facilitators at local levels (Learmonth, 2001 p 66). Such professionals and services can be active in organisation development, through leadership, partnership, development, training, education and support and policy and strategy development (Learmonth, 2001, p66). They can also engage in evidence based practice, market research, communication and publicity, and programme management (Learmonth, 2001, p67). The benefits of having such professionals are obvious, particularly wit hin the already overstretched and under-funded health and social services sector. Such activities appear vitally important to achieving health promotion goals, and in particular to ensuring collaborative working and full community engagement. Therefore, specialist services can also support community development through advocacy, needs assessment, community participation, information for health, and evaluation of services (Learmonth, 2001, p 67). However, there are challenges, particularly in the capacity and recognition of such services and their location, which may fall between traditional services and serve to hinder their function (Learmonth, 2001, p75). Hospital nursing practice also provides vast scope for health promotion (Latter, 2001, p77). Among other potentialities, the role of the hospital nurse as the primary caregiver for individual patients equates to a significant scope for health education (Latter, 2001, p78). However, there is also the need to further develop this role, and support its expression in the beleaguered health service (Latter, 2001, p 79). Despite the challenges of this, it could be argued that nurses have a strong role to play in creating environments that are supportive of health, encouraging community participation in health and helping to generate healthy policies (Latter, 2001). It should be remembered, however, that nurses are themselves individuals, whose own health needs support and input, and so any drive towards increasing their functions within health promotion may also need to address their working conditions, and the demands which place a strain on their own health. Environment is another contextual issue in health promotion. The role of Local Authorities in supporting healthier environments and communities is described by Allen (2001, p 91), who argues that such authorities can act as role models, and through the work of environmental health services, can promote the health of communities through: food inspection and maintenance of food safety; housing standards; health and safety at work and during recreation; environmental protection; communicable disease prevention and control; licensing; drinking water surveillance; refuse collection and street cleaning; and pest control. These are statutory functions, but if effective and efficient, have obvious public health benefits and therefore health promotion benefits. In addition, the discretionary powers of local authorities can affect issues of HIV and AIDS, alcohol and drug addiction, nutrition, women and men’s health, heating and energy advice, occupational health, environmental enhanceme nt and poverty issues (Allen, 2001 p 91). Their limitations are apparent, but this is where the voluntary sector comes in, and often voluntary groups and agencies fill some of the gaps where statutory services cannot stretch to cover all areas. Social services address the social aspects of health, by engaging in preventive work with children and families, by involvement in the care of older people, and by engagement with the health and wellbeing of people with special needs (Jones and Rose, 2001 p 95-102.) Diversity issues can be addressed by some aspects of social services (Jones and Rose, 2001 p 95-102), but again, there are gaps, where in some areas voluntary agencies can fulfil identified needs that cannot be met by health and social care services. Another arena for health promotion is that of health education in schools (Scriven, 2001 p 115). This is another growth area, supported by a range of policy drivers (Scriven, 2001, p121; Beattie 2001 p 133). School nurses have always had a role in health promotion for specific age groups, and this is another area where health promotion opportunities can be maximised (Farrow, 2001 p 151). Similarly, there is some evidence that Universities can be effective loci of health promo tion activities, with the integration of visions of health within plans and policies and promotion of sustainable health within the wider community (Dooris and Thompson, 2001 p 160). For those who perhaps cannot be reached through these contexts, there is also the Youth Work setting, which also provides considerable scope for health information and advice, though this too is not without its challenges (Robertson, 2001 p 173-176). Where services fail to meet need, as already suggested, the voluntary sector may cover the shortfall. The greatest value of the voluntary sector lies in its diversity and its motivation, which stems from free will, moral purpose and individual personal engagement (Anderson, 2001 p 181). Voluntary agencies are non-profit-making and occupy a singular position within society. Conversely, profit-making agencies can also contribute to health promotion through health working policies and health promotion in the workplace (Daykin, 2001 p 204). Good occupational he alth services, for example, can also play a vital role in health promotion, both generally and in specific issues related to the type of employment and activities concerned (Lisle, 2001). What all of these point to is this notion of collaborative, interagency working, where health promotion becomes the common goal of diverse populations, agencies, services, professions and of course individuals. Some believe that effective interagency working lies at the heart of improving health outcomes for vulnerable populations (Jones and Rose, 2001, p 95). However, such a standard of working is difficult to achieve (Jones and Rose, 2001, p 95), perhaps because of the boundaries and restrictions within which such groups work, and the historical context which makes them protective of their own ‘territory’. It is obvious that such limitations must be overcome if health promotion goals are to be met. It we are to achieve the goal of a holistic, socio-ecological model of health fully applied to our societies, then new ways of working and communicating must be developed, building on current evidence from innovations and practice. Debates and Dilemmas in Health Promotion It would be reasonable to raise the question, in the light of all these services, policies and drivers which promote health in our arguably well-endowed nation, why indeed is health promotion still such a challenge? Why are so many still suffering from ill health, social injustice, health inequalities and supposedly eminently preventable diseases? There may be many possible answers to this. Health is believed to be ultimately determined by the existence of equity and social justice, which is in turn rooted in people’s material, social, economic and cultural circumstances (Tones, 2001 p7). It is also believed that community action for health is based on the premise that health chances and health choices are shaped, to a great extent, by the social, political and economic conditions in which people live, and that ability of individuals to shape and control these structures is limited (Jones et al, 2002 p 25). It has been argued that the creation of healthy public policy is the prerequisite for changing adverse environments in order to facilitate the development of health (Tones, 2001 p8), but this author would also argue that adverse environments must be ‘ owned’ by those who live within them, and no amount of policy, imposed ‘top-down’ will improve environments if those who live within them do not equally invest in their amelioration and long-term development. Tones (2001 p 9) does argue that individual empowerment and community empowerment are linked, and that these are partly dependant on a sense of community where individuals have some notion of membership of some kind of community or group. The term community implies a common bond between individuals (Jones et al, 2002 p 25). Therefore we see the individual in a different context, a context comprised of various relationships and connections with other individuals. These must surely affect health and health p romotion behaviours, positively and negatively. But what of the individuals who fall outside such communities? Is it the remit of government, at any level, to force or coerce individuals into a state of ‘belonging’? Definitions of communities and group identities may serve to alienate those who do not feel associated with them, but in this case it might be necessary to focus on the good of the many, and to address the larger issues before addressing individual differences of this kind. If self-empowerment is attainable (Tones, 2001 p 11) then such individuals may take control of their own health. Activities such as community campaign groups, self-help groups and even more politicised groups related to notions of women’s or men’s health may all engage in action for health (Jones et al, 2002), and therefore it could be argued that any one individual should find a group or action which ‘concerns’ them or some aspect of their life or lifestyle. This may be particularly important in terms of dive rsity, where so-called ‘minority’ groups can both campaign for issues pertaining to their own identities and needs, and develop services which meet those needs. This returns us to the work of the voluntary sector, which is where such activities tend to find expression. But surely it is the role of government, and the services provided, at a locally devolved level, through central funding, to provide such sensitivity in the services and policies it underwrites? Some would argue that such sensitivity exists, but we have yet to see it fully realised in action, and have yet to see evidence of the efficacy of these great policy drivers in real practical terms. Jones et al (2002 p 47) suggest that community groups may find it useful to develop partnerships with local authorities, the education sector, other groups, NHS services, employers and even the media in order to ensure a fully participative, collaborative and comprehensive approach to locally-suited health promotion activities. This author would argue that with the best will in the world, there will always be a divergence between the goals of different groups, and an imbalance of power betw een these different agencies. The agendas of central government may end up dominating those of the community, and while such collaborative working is the ideal, it may need to be undertaken with awareness and caution. Farrant (2003 p 230) argues that the recent moves towards community development may simply mirror or reinforce the existing power inequalities within social systems, and such activities simply serve as another vehicle for governmental control. It is therefore important to be aware of the policy context within social action on health promotion, and to engage in true community or communal activities rather than those made possible by the current political and funding context. The paternalism of our current political system is evident in the media and the governmental policy drivers which shape public services. Such paternalism may be of some benefit in highlighting health promotion issues which need to be addressed, but the media reports demonstrate an over-generalisation of the issues. It is at the community level that the real needs can be identified (Jones et al, 2002 p 100). Part of this process is the evaluation of health promotion initiatives and actions, particularly participatory evaluation of community action with dissemination of findings (Jones et al, 2002 p 100). This serves two purposes. It allows communities themselves to build on evidence and continue to grow and develop such initiatives in a reflexive manner, and it establishes their work within the fields of health and social care on a more critical, intellectual level as an evidence-base which can educate and empower others. This essay has touched on the notion of public health and policy drivers, and has equated health promotion, to a certain degree, with the notion of public health. It is important, therefore, to consider the public health debate and the politics of health promotion. The context of public health within the UK is very much concerned with the notion of health inequalities, again, as mentioned in the above discussion. The evidence from the UK still points to considerable inequalities in health depending on region, and on individual occupation, and suggests that these inequalities are widening, despite significant improvements in aspects of social and economic wellbeing (Graham, 2003 p 20). Changing distributions of work and income, changing access to housing (such as increases in owner-occupation), changing patterns of working and domestic lives are all affecting social determinants of health (Graham, 2003 p 24-25). It has long been believed that income inequality is an important determin ant of health in richer societies, but research suggests that population health is related less to how wealthy a society is, and more to how equally or unequally this wealth is distributed (Graham, 2003 p 25). But individual factors must be taken into consideration, particularly in terms of health and illness. It is no surprise that an individual’s health is a determinant a well as an outcome of socio-economic circumstances, where those in better health are more likely to move up the occupational and economic ladder, while those in poorer health will not (Graham, 2003 p 26-27). Factors on the individual level include material factors, such and the physical environment of the home, the neighbourhood and workplace, and living standards; behavioural factors, such as health-related routines and habits, leisure activities and diet; and psychosocial factors in particular increased stress and risk-taking behaviours (Graham, 2003 p 27-28). Public health therefore has a dual remit – to address the socio-economic factors which affect health, and to address the individual factors which influence health. There is evidence of addressing individual lifestyle factors in governmental paternalism in such campaigns as the no-smoking campaigns and legislation, and the current debate on obesity. However, the notion of the evidence which underpins these drivers is debatable. There has been in recent years, a strong trend towards evidence-based practice in all aspects of health care, and this includes health promotion and public health (McQueen and Anderson, 2003 p 165). Ideally the theory informing practice should arise from multiple disciplines and represent diverse research (McQueen and Anderson, 2003 p 167). However, there is a divergence between empirical evidence and so called qualitative evidence, the latter of which does not enjoy the validity or acceptance of the former in terms of evidence. While health promotion is widely assumed to be based on science and a scientific basis for human behaviour, a scientific paradigm does not underlie our notions of health, public health and health promotion (McQueen and Anderson, 2003 p 168). The whole concept of public health and health promotion stems from an holistic and almost communalist paradigm, rejecting the view that human behaviour is simply a response to physiological and neural processes (MqQueen and Anderson, 2003 p 168). Therefore, simplistic, reductionist and scientific principles of evidence derived from statistics and experimental research will of necessity be woefully inadequate in addressing the very real complexities of health promotion in the practical and real community context. Therefore there is a need to identify news way s of seeking and defining appropriate evidence, in a developmental process which mirrors that of the health promotion activities themselves. Conclusion It is evident that health promotion, particularly within the UK context, is a complex concept with a wealth of diverse yet oddly inter-related issues and problems. This essay has attempted to discuss some of the issues raised in the set books for the K301 course, with an exploration of key issues and some debate of current provision. Health promotion is a governmental initiative, but remains also an ideogical and idealistic goal. It is best viewed as an holistic concept with contextual characteristics which must be taken into consideration. Some of these contextual characteristics are national, some are local or locational, and some are individual. It is the relationship between these three that defines both the need and the processes required to meet that need, fundamentally at a local level. The very complexity of the context requires that health promotion activities occur through collaborative, communal and partnership working, which means a change from traditional methods of organising health and social services. If we accept the principle that coordinated action leads to improved health, income and social policies that foster greater equity, then we understand the fact that collaborative action contributes to ensuring safer and healthier goods and services, better and more locally suitable public services, and cleaner, more healthful environments. It also requires that policy-makers, groups and individuals identify barriers and challenges to the adoption of healthier policies and behaviours, throughout society, and develop collaborative approaches to addressing these. However, avoiding paternalism and the mimicking of governmental agendas is also vital. What is most apparent from this discussion is that despite the debates, and there are many, the systems and resources are already in place to foster improved public health and health promotion activties and to engage all sectors of the community in these actions. Such resources include primary healthcare services and groups, nurses working in acute hospitals and within the community, specialist health promotion professionals, social services, schools, voluntary agencies, statutory agencies, youth groups, social and self-help groups, and many more. The potential of these groups in and of themsleves to engage in health promotion, and to evaluate and communicate these activties to others as a form of evidence, is already apparent from the literature. In particular, the literature also suggests that the notion of evidence in this arena should move away from reductionist, scientific principles to mirror the holistic nature of the health promotion context. But the efficacy of these diverse players in the arena is limited until such time as full collaboration, partnership and inter-agency working is realised.

Sesame Street’s Big Bird and Shakespeare’s Caliban :: Tempest essays

Sesame Street’s Big Bird and Shakespeare’s Caliban â€Å"Caliban...takes shape beneath the arc of wonder that moves throughout the play between â€Å"creatures† and â€Å"mankind,† between animate beings in general and their realization in the form of humanity. Is he man or fish? creature or person?" (Lupton, 3). â€Å"Although in The Tempest the word creature appears nowhere in conjunction with Caliban himself, his character is everywhere hedged in and held up by the politic-theological category of the creaturely" (Lupton, 3). "A freckled whelp, hag-born " (1.2.285). "Legged like a man, and his fins like arms! " (2.2.31-32). "I shall laugh myself to death at this puppy-headed monster" (2.2.146-147). "A howling monster, a drunken monster" (2.2.179). "This is as strange thing as e’er I looked on" (5.1.292-293). "He is as disproportioned in his manners /As in his shape" (5.1.294-295). He is a poetic paradigm. When performed properly, he can take an audience from tears of laughter to tears of sorrow within a few paragraphs. Caliban is an actor’s dream, a scholar’s vision. Sighted as being both the missing link, but also portrayed in adaptations as more human than Prospero, Caliban is commentary, character and caricature. However, there is a question that plagues authors, directors, actors, and stressed out, indignant English professors: What is Caliban? Many books, articles, updates, adaptations, and arguments tackle this question. Together we will confront these demons, I will lead you down a path, present arguments, ideas, my own bias, but in the end leave you to answer the daunting question of Shakespeare’s man-monster: Four pictures taken from different productions and different collections of The Tempest illustrate how diverse Caliban is. Each one has a unique view of who or, more precisely, what Caliban is. They progress in an order, from pure beast, through something less to someone almost resembling a man. The pictures lead us on a progression from something entirely bestial to something else entirely. The first image demonstrates the best description of Caliban, a creature that slightly resembles a man and slightly does not. Throughout Shakespeare's text, no character refers to Caliban as a man. The other characters describe him as the indescribable. As Alonso says, "This is a strange thing as e'er I / looked on (5.1.292-293)." One of the most common terms used in The Tempest to acknowledge Caliban is moon-calf. The Oxford English Dictionary defines moon-calf as "A misshapen birth, a monstrosity.

Kite Runner Essay Essay

Khaled Hosseini’s kite runner has many themes that are significant. This book also has themes that are hidden to the reader, to find these themes the reader needs to think about the events that occur in the book. In this book redemption, discrimination, and violence play a big role in the events in this book. Redemption is one of the most important themes in the kite runner. Throughout the story, Amir is trying to redeem himself because of many events that he was a part of. In the begging of the story Rahim Khan calls Amir and tells him â€Å"There is a way to be good again. † (Page 2) Putting this in the first chapter of the story tells the reader many things about Amir, it could tell us that Amir has done many things that he regrets, or he has done things that caused pain to someone else. Amir’s mother dies when she is giving birth to him, throughout the story Amir tries many different things to redeem himself to his father. When Amir wins the kite competition he thinks that he would finally redeem himself for his mothers death. Amir thinks that he redeems himself because â€Å"A smile played down on my father’s lips. He opened his arms† (Page 79) When someone does this someone will automatically think that you redeemed yourself to that person. Another event that Amir does that he redeems himself for later is when he blackmails Hassan. Amir’s father gives him a watch and Amir decides to put it under Hassan’s pillow. Later when Amir’s father finds out that he took his watch he forgives him, but Ali (Hassan’s father) says that they make the decision to leave. To the near end of the book, when Amir goes back to Afghanistan, he receives a letter from Hassan. The letter tells him that he (Hassan) died, and that he has a son that it taken by the Taliban. Amir tells Farid (The person who takes Amir around in Afghanistan) about Sohrab, and he tells him â€Å"You have a visa to go to America, to life with me and my wife. It’s true. I promise† (Page 355) When Amir found out that he lost his best friend he went through a lot of trouble to get Sohrab. Amir could have avoided this if he did not frame Hassan. If Amir did not frame Hassan, Hassan and Ali could have fled the country with Amir and his father. This event has a big impact on the events in the story. Without these examples of redemption, it is hard to picture the book ending in the way that it did. Along with many other themes, discrimination is one of the less discussed themes in this book. In my opinion I think that discrimination should be a theme that should be as important as any other theme. Discrimination plays a big role in the kite runner because of the structure of the social classes. In the begging of the story we know that Hassan is Amir’s Hazara but later we know that he is Amir’s brother. When Amir won the kite competition Hassan went to get the winning the kite. Hours had passed and Hassan did not show up. Amir goes looking for him and he asks Omar (only involved in one paragraph) if he saw Hassan, Omar answers him by saying â€Å"Your Hazara? † (Page 68) without saying more than two sentences, we can see that people in the class with Hassan are treated with no respect and they are called Hazaras. Another event that happens when Hassan finally finds the kite that allowed Amir to win the competition he is surrounded by Assef and his gang. Assef is one of the biggest discriminators towards Hazaras as he is intimidating Hassan, he says, â€Å"A loyal Hazara, Loyal as a dog† (Page 72) When Hassan said this he could of compared Hassan to something else, but he picked a dog to show the most disrespect towards Hassan. In my own opinion I think that discrimination towards Hazaras in Kabul is horrible because they are treated as if they are a different race of people. Hazaras have the exact physical features as any average human being but they are treated like they are slaves. This is how discrimination, which is one of the themes that is not talked about a lot, is significant in this book. Violence is also one of the themes that are not discussed as much, violence should be because it is important and it is hidden. There are many examples that show violence in the book. One of the examples that show violence is when Hassan gets raped when Assef and his gang surround him. The author does not tell the reader that Hassan got raped but instead he makes Wali, one of the members of Assef’s gang, tell Assef â€Å"My father says it’s sinful† (Page 75) This is a indirect message to inform the reader that Hassan gets raped. This is one great example that violence plays a big role in the process of this book. Assef could of threated Hassan instead of raping him. In my opinion I think that he could not have done something that wasn’t related to violence. Assef wanted to have his revenge on Hassan but it was hard to do something that has nothing to do with violence. Later on in the book, when Amir and Hassan do not talk to each other after Hassan got raped for him over a kite. Hassan asked if he could go under the pomegranate tree and let Amir read a story for him. When Amir and Hassan were under the pomegranate tree, Hassan asked Amir what he was doing wrong so he could stop, Amir told him that Hassan should stand up for himself. Hassan did not answer and Amir started to throw pomegranates on Hassan, Amir then told him â€Å"Hit me back! Hit me back goddamn you† (Page 92) this is another great example that shows the violence that is included in the book. Hassan is the most loyal person in the book and Amir does not appreciate it; instead Amir wants Hassan to hit him with a pomegranate. When Hassan stands up, he then smears a pomegranate on his face and walks away. This is how violence plays a theme in the book. It is not as visible as the other themes in the book but it is as significant as the other themes. Redemption, discrimination, and violence are themes in Khaled Hosseini’s kite runner that play a big role in the book. Without these three themes it is hard to picture if the book would end up the way that it actually ended up being. Quotes and Information taken from â€Å"Kite Runner† by Khaled Hosseini.

Dear Senator

Dear Senator I am a long-time resident of Idaho, and I am writing to express my concern about recent discussion and the pending decision to employ the Boulder White Cloud Wilderness Bill. I understand that the decision is being considered to enable the bill to be passed in the House of Representatives later this month. However, I do not believe that the benefits of the Wilderness Bill outweigh its inherent flaws. Consider: Wilderness areas are selected to serve as safe havens and homes to our nation’s wild species; they should not be treated as parcels of land to be purchased and used to build trophy homes for the wealthy. The further bias of the bill towards land use for motor vehicle recreation will disrupt the natural habitats of many animals, not to mention put people in harms way. Allowing the Bill to cater to ATV drivers, snowmobile enthusiasts and motorcyclists, will promote pollution, encourage greater numbers of vehicle accidents, and possibly lead to the deaths of unknowing victims that are attacked by large preditors in the territory. It would seem that providing acreage for an official Wilderness Area would create longstanding natural resources. However, consider that the Bill allows nearly 3,000 acres of land to be dispense, free of charge for local Idaho counties to develop any way they deem appropriate. Would an incinerator, oil refinery or chemical plant built on the very edge of wilderness be appropriate? As already mentioned the Bill would also allow the purchase of land in the Sawtooth National Recreation Area for the building of trophy homes. A Wilderness Area should be for wilderness, not a human resort with spackled areas of â€Å"rustic† wealthy dwellings. Lastly, I have heard that the state and local governments will have as much authority as the federal agencies to determine the process of fire hazard prevention within the boundaries of this area. If bulldozers and chainsaws enter into the picture unchecked, what will prevent entire forests from being razed? Are these tradeoffs that we really want to make? I am curious to know all of the details of this bill, rather than just the rumors I have read about and heard. I would also like to know your stance regarding the bill, and what actions you intend to take regarding its exploitation. I am looking forward to your response and insight on the matter. Sincerely, References: Barker, R. (2003, December 8). In Boulder-White Cloud mountains, another wilderness compromise. High Country News. Retrieved online June 21st, 2006, from http://www.hcn.org/servlets/hcn.Article?article_id=14429 Ekker, T. (2006, February 15). Devil in the details of Boulder-White Cloud Wilderness Proposal. Lowbagger. Retrieved online June 21st, 2006, from http://lowbagger.org/boulderwhitecloud.html Stahl, G. (2004, June 23). Boulder-White Cloud plan scrutinized. Idaho Mountain Express. Retrieved online June 21st, 2006, from http://www.mtexpress.com/2004/04-06-23/04-06-23wildcriticism.htm   

Tolerance Analysis

A Comprehensive System for Computer-Aided Tolerance Analysis of 2-D†¦ http://adcats. et. byu. edu/Publication/97-4/cirp_2_7_97a. html 7. 0 ASSEMBLY TOLERANCE SPECIFICATIONS An engineering design must perform properly in spite of dimensional variation. To achieve this, engineering design requirements must be expressed as assembly tolerance limits. The designer must assign limits to the gaps, clearances and overall dimensions of an assembly which are critical to performance.Assembly tolerance limits are applied to the statistical distribution of the assembly variations predicted by tolerance analysis to estimate the number of assemblies which will be within the specifications. Designers need to control more than just gaps and clearances in assemblies. Orientation and position of features may also be important to performance. To be a comprehensive design tool, a tolerance analysis system must provide a set of assembly tolerance specifications which covers a wide range of common des ign requirements. A system of assembly tolerance specifications patterned after ANSI Y14. 5 has been proposed [Carr 93].Those ANSI Y14. 5 feature controls which require a datum appear to be useful as assembly controls. However, there is a distinct difference between component tolerance and assembly tolerance specifications, as seen in Fig. 9. In the component tolerance specification shown, the parallelism tolerance zone is defined as parallel to datum A, a reference surface on the same part. By contrast, the assembly parallelism tolerance defines a tolerance zone on one part in the assembly which is parallel to a datum on another part. In order to distinguish an assembly tolerance specification from a component specification, new symbols have been proposed.The feature control block and the assembly datum have been enclosed in double boxes. Fig. 9 Comparison of component and assembly tolerance specifications. 8. 0 MODELING PROCEDURES AND RULES The ability to model a system is a funda mental skill for effective engineering design or manufacturing systems analysis. Unfortunately, few engineers know how to construct variational models of assemblies beyond a 1-D stack. This is primarily because the methods have not been established. There is little treatment of assembly modeling for tolerance analysis in engineering schools or texts.Until engineers learn how to model, tolerance analysis will never become widely used as have other CAD/CAE tools. A consistent set of modeling procedures, with some guiding rules for creating vector assembly models, allows for a systematic approach which can be applied to virtually any assembly. The steps in creating a model are: 1. Identify the assembly features critical to the assembly. Locate and orient each feature and specify the assembly tolerances. 2. Locate a datum reference frame (DRF) for each part. All model features will be located relative to the DRFs. 3.Place kinematic joints at the points of contact between each pair of ma ting parts. Define the joint type and orient the joint axes. These are the assembly constraints. 4. Create vector paths from the DRF on each part to each joint on the part. The paths, called datum paths, must follow feature dimensions until arriving at the joint. Thus, each joint may be located relative to the DRF by controlled engineering dimensions. 5. Define the closed vector loops which hold the assembly together. The datum paths defined in Step 2 7 of 14 5/11/2011 4:27 PM A Comprehensive System for Computer-Aided Tolerance Analysis of 2-D†¦ ttp://adcats. et. byu. edu/Publication/97-4/cirp_2_7_97a. html become segments of the vector loop. A vector loop must enter a part through a joint and leave through another joint, passing through the DRF along the way. Thus, the vector path across a part follows the datum path from the incoming joint to the DRF and follows another datum path from the DRF to the outgoing joint. 6. Define open vector loops to describe each assembly tolera nce specification. For example, for an assembly gap, the loop would start on one side of the gap, pass through the assembly, and end at the other side of the gap. 7.Add geometric variations at each joint. Define the width of the tolerance zone and length of contact between the mating parts as required. The nature of the variation and direction is determined by the joint type and joint axes. Other variations, such as position, may be added at other feature locations. Modeling rules are needed to ensure the creation of valid loops, a sufficient number of loops, correct datum paths, etc. For example, an important set of rules defines the path a vector loop must take to cross a joint. Each joint introduces kinematic variables into the assembly which must be included in the vector model.Fig. 10 shows the vector path across a 2-D cylinder-slider joint. The rule states that the loop must enter and exit the joint through the local joint datums, in this case, the center of the cylinder and a reference datum on the sliding plane. This assures that the two kinematic variables introduced by this joint are included in the loop, namely, the vector U in the sliding plane and the relative angle f at the center of the cylinder, both of which locate the variable point of contact in their corresponding mating parts. Fig. 11 shows a similar vector path through a 3-D crossed cylinders joint.A more complete set of modeling rules is described in [Chase 94]. Fig. 10: 2-D vector path through a joint Fig. 11 3-D vector path through a joint 9. 0 MODELING EXAMPLE The process of creating an assembly tolerance model for analysis is illustrated in the figures below for a seatbelt retraction mechanism. The device is an inertial locking mechanism for the take-up reel. One of the critical assembly features is the gap between the tip of the locking pawl and the gear, as shown in Fig. 12. The assembly is of reasonable complexity, with about 20 dimensional variations and several geometric variati ons as contributing sources.The contribution by each variation source depends on the sensitivity of the gap to each component variation. Fig. 13 shows the DRFs for each part and local feature datums which define model dimensions. 8 of 14 5/11/2011 4:27 PM A Comprehensive System for Computer-Aided Tolerance Analysis of 2-D†¦ http://adcats. et. byu. edu/Publication/97-4/cirp_2_7_97a. html Fig. 12 Example 2-D assembly Fig. 13 Part DRFs and feature datums. In Figure 14, the kinematic joints defining the mating conditions are located and oriented. Clearance in the rotating joints was modeled by two methods.In the first case, the shafts were modeled as revolute joints, centered in the clearance, with clearance variation added as an equivalent concentricity. In the second case, the CAD model was modified so each shaft was in contact with the edge of the hole, modeled by parallel cylinder joints, and variation was determined about this extreme position. After the joints have been locat ed, the assembly loops can then be generated, as shown in Fig. 15. To simplify the figure, some of the vectors are not shown. Fig. 14 Kinematic joints define mating conditions. Fig. 5 Vector loops describe assembly. Models for geometric variation may then be inserted into the vector assembly model, as shown in Fig. 16. The completed CATS model, in Fig. 17, is ready for assembly tolerance analysis. 9 of 14 5/11/2011 4:27 PM A Comprehensive System for Computer-Aided Tolerance Analysis of 2-D†¦ http://adcats. et. byu. edu/Publication/97-4/cirp_2_7_97a. html Fig. 16 Geometric variation sources are added. Fig. 17 The completed CATS model. Figure 18 show a 3-D CATS model overlaid on a swashplate cam and follower mechanism. Fig. 18 3-D CATS model. 10. 0 TOLERANCE ANALYSISThe analysis approach used within the CATS system is based on linearization of the assembly equations and solution for the variations by matrix algebra. A detailed description with examples may be found in [Chase 95, 96] and [Gao 97]. The linearized method provides an accurate and real-time analysis capability that is compatible with engineering design approaches and tools. Vector assembly models can be used with any analysis system. Gao used the CATS Modeler as a graphical front end for 10 of 14 5/11/2011 4:27 PM A Comprehensive System for Computer-Aided Tolerance Analysis of 2-D†¦ http://adcats. et. byu. du/Publication/97-4/cirp_2_7_97a. html a Monte Carlo simulator [Gao 93]. An iterative solution was used to close the vector loops for each simulated assembly. Histograms for each assembly feature being analyzed were generated from the computed assembly dimensions. A comparison of the linearized approach with Monte Carlo analysis is presented in [Gao 95]. 11. 0 CAD IMPLEMENTATION Fig. 19 shows the structure of the Computer-Aided Tolerancing System integrated with a commercial 3-D CAD system. The CATS ® Modeler creates an engineering model of an assembly as a graphical and symbolic overla y, linked associatively to the CAD model.Pop-up menus present lists of joints, datums, g-tols and design specs to add to the CAD model. The model is created completely within the graphical interface of the CAD system. There are no equations to type in to define mating conditions or other assembly relationships. CATS is tightly integrated with each CAD system, so it becomes an extension of the designer's own CAD system. Current CAD implementations include: Pro/ENGINEERa (TI/TOL 3D+), CATIAa, CADDS5a, and AutoCADa; (AutoCATS). Fig. 19 The CATS System Architecture The CATS Analyzer accesses the assembly tolerance model that was created and stored in the CAD system.The Analyzer has built-in statistical algorithms to predict variation in critical assembly features due to process variation. It features built-in algorithms for tolerance synthesis, which re-size selected tolerances to meet target assembly quality levels. Matrix analysis gives instant feedback for any design iteration or â⠂¬Å"what-if† study. The user interface is standard XWindows Motif, with multiple windows, scroll bars, pop-up menus, dialog boxes, option buttons, data fields and slide bars for data entry, etc. The designer is in complete control of the tolerance analysis/design process.Graphical plots give visual feedback in the form of statistical distributions, ranked sensitivity and percent contribution plots. Engineering limits are shown on the distribution, with corresponding parts-per-million reject values displayed. The current status of the CATS Modeler and Analyzer, with respect to ease of use by an interactive graphical user interface and internal automation are summarized in Table 1 and Table 2. Table 1. Current status of assembly modeling CAD implementation Modeling Task Graphical Automation Level 11 of 14 5/11/2011 4:27 PM

The Irish Potato Famine Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

The Irish Potato Famine - Essay Example Let us try to overview the historical context which preceded The Irish Potato Famine, and on ground of this try to find out what principle factors provoked the famine. The Irish Potato Famine is the name of a famine that took place in Ireland between 1845 and 1849, but immediate effects of which were felt until 1851. If we refer to dry statistics, then we may learn that the total number of people who died from this famine is unclear because there were no exact historical records. However, according to different estimates it is supposed that the general number of victims that can be directly and indirectly attributed to the famine ranges from 500,000 to more than one million (Lyons, 1985, p.14). Aside from the enormous death toll, there were many other social and economic consequences of the famine. Among such consequences were several million Irish refugees who during and after the famine emigrated to Britain, America, Canada, and Australia (Scally, 1996, p.167). Also, as we shall see, the effects of the famine on Irish culture and economy were so great that it significantly changed them. At this point we may begin to wonder whether the very fact that such a profound historical event as the Irish Potato Famine took place can be explained purely by natural causes, or maybe there was an involvement of social, economic, and political factors which contributed to the famine To see if this was the case, let us firstly overview political and economic environment in which the famine happened, and then consider demographic and agricultural aspects relevant to the famine. Speaking of the political context of the famine, we of course must mention relations between Ireland and Great Britain in the middle of the nineteenth century. Since the Act of Union of 1800 Ireland was to be formally represented by one hundred members in the House of Commons in the United Kingdom, which was merely a one-fifth proportion of representation of Great Britain. Moreover, in addition to the low level of Irish representation in the parliament of Britain the needs of Ireland were given a low priority. It was not surprising as most of the members of government had never even been in Ireland themselves. To better feel the situation of that time, we should add that the British dominance was as well fortified by the unification of the churches of Ireland and England, with the ensuing leadership in Ireland of the Anglicans and exclusion of Roman Catholics and Presbyterians from membership in governmental bodies. Only by 1829 was political equality restored in Ireland in certain s pheres. This included the possibility to participate in free trade between the British Isles, and admission of Irish merchandise to colonies of Britain on equal terms with British goods (Otuathaigh, 1972). Now, on ground of the mentioned signs of oppression of Ireland it was suggested by some historians that the Irish Potato Famine was in fact a genocide initiated by the British against Ireland. However, this accusation is dismissed by most scholars as too radical, and instead it is thought that the policies of Britain during the famine can rather be blamed as fallacious, ignorant, and fatal, and that as a significant reduction of population of Ireland was deemed desirable by many British politicians they might just had decided not to intervene in the natural course

Business Law Case Analysis Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Business Law Analysis - Case Study Example A guard who was on the platform tried pushing the passenger into the train, while another guard, who was in the train, tried grabbing the passenger. The man had a package, which had fireworks, and dropped in the process of boarding the train and exploded. It was however not easy to know the package’s content and upon explosion, scales on the other side of the rail’s platform fell, causing injury to the plaintiff. The plaintiff sued the guards for negligence that the trial court upheld and the appellate court affirmed, forcing the rail company to appeal at the New York Court of Appeal (New York Court of Appeal 1). Doctrines of causation, proximate cause, and forceability apply to negligence. Despite existence of duty of care, whose breach may amount to harm, these doctrines determines existence of negligent liability. Negligence is upheld if suffered harm would not have happened, had the defendant not assumed his or her action, and a strong connection also ought to exist between a defendant’s act and the suffered harm (Roger and Miller 305, 306). Under foreseeability doctrine, liability arises if, from an ordinary man’s perspective, a risk is likely to occur, and not just a mere possibility of occurrence, and such was a court decision in the case of Fardon v. Harcourt-Rivington. The same decision was held in the case of Bolton v. Stone where even possibility of occurrence, unless occurrence is possible, from a realistic perspective, does not induce negligence liability (Mandaraka-Sheppard 609). Facts of the case undermines causation because the passenger’s suffered instability could have caused the falling of the package, independently, into the harm that the plaintiff suffered, and this further transcends to undermine proximate cause. The fact that the guards could not identify content of the package, to foresee possible impacts of their actions also undermines negligence on from the guards. Even if the content could be identified, possible